A year and a half after its publication, has the Much More than a Market report met your expectations? What is your overall assessment of the proposals it contains?
Much More than a Market has already achieved its most important result: bringing the Single Market back to the forefront of the European political debate. There is now a clear recognition that the EU needs to make a further qualitative leap in economic integration. The launch by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen of a Single Market Roadmap, with 2028 set as the target for completing the key Single Market files, is emblematic of this shift. At the same time, several of the report’s individual proposals have secured a prominent place on the EU institutions’ agenda. The Savings and Investments Union, the 28th regime and the Fifth Freedom are all proposals originating in the report, and they have now become part of the European Commission’s work programme. What we need now is practical agreement to bring them to life.
The report stresses the urgency of “rethinking European competitiveness.” At a time when the United States and China are pursuing highly assertive industrial policies, how can Europe find the right balance between strategic autonomy and open trade?
The right balance rests on a clear principle: open markets, provided the rules are the same for everyone. The European Union must remain a champion of multilateralism and open trade with partners willing to compete fairly; at the same time, it must protect its interests when the policies of other countries create distortions and structural disadvantages for European firms. This means, on the one hand, using trade-defence instruments in a targeted and proportionate way, avoiding protectionist drift; and, on the other, strengthening internal competitiveness through innovation, productivity and full Single Market integration, so that Europe becomes an attractive platform for investment and business. The line between cooperation and defensive measures must be drawn rigorously, based on evidence and a case-by-case assessment. But Europe must remain clear in its preference for the rule of law over the law of the strongest.
Long supportive of a simple, digital and flexible regulatory environment, the Italian Chamber system endorses the introduction of an optional 28th regime. If the initiative is adopted, which sectors do you think would be the first to benefit? And how can we prevent it from becoming a mechanism that creates a “two-speed Europe”?
The Commission’s approach appears to be geared towards introducing the 28th regime starting with high-tech sectors, which are inherently oriented towards a European dimension. This seems a sound starting point, but I hope the tool can soon be extended to the many SMEs that make up the EU’s economic fabric, so that its impact spreads throughout supply chains. In fact, this gradual approach is the best safeguard against the risk of a two-speed Europe. Testing such an innovative model in a limited number of sectors and policy areas allows us to assess the benefits and quickly correct any unexpected or distortive effects.
In a geopolitical context marked by conflicts on Europe’s borders, intensifying competition between major powers and an accelerated technological transition, what do you believe should be the Union’s real priorities between now and 2030?
The European Union’s strategic priority is to preserve its autonomy and independence. We have an economic and social model that must be protected; we cannot allow ourselves to end up importing standards and approaches that are not our own, whether American or Chinese. Accepting this would mean consigning Europe to the role of a colony.
The report sets out an ambitious vision for supporting the Union’s economic recovery and strengthening European integration. In this context, what role do you think intermediary bodies can play in relaunching the Single Market? And how can business-support organisations, such as Chambers of Commerce, help make the Single Market not only more competitive, but also more inclusive for citizens and businesses?
Intermediary bodies played a decisive role in the creation of the Single Market, and they must play an equally significant role in its renewal. When Jacques Delors set out to build the Single Market, he began by institutionalising European social dialogue, ensuring that policies were shaped with the active involvement of the social partners. Business-support organisations therefore have a twofold task: firstly, to make full use of the dialogue and consultation mechanisms offered by the EU institutions; and secondly, to point out their shortcomings so they can be strengthened and improved. Today, the challenge is not hostility towards social dialogue, but difficulty in imagining more modern forms of it. Yet this effort is essential if Europe is to secure its future competitiveness.